quarta-feira, 26 de fevereiro de 2025

Atribulações do zoneamento inclusivo


Público / Espanha 20-02-2025, por Ferran Espada
https://www.publico.es/economia/vivienda/centro-barcelona-ricos-vivienda-publica-extrarradio-maniobra-promotores.html

La norma que fija en Barcelona la obligatoriedad de reservar el 30% de las nuevas promociones de viviendas –o en su caso de la remodelación integral de un inmueble– para protección oficial, es en estos momentos el gran caballo de batalla que se disputan promotores, movimiento por la vivienda, el Gobierno municipal socialista y los partidos políticos. (..) En esta discusión surgen argumentos de índole política, económica, jurídica o logística que utilizan defensores y detractores del 30%. Pero más allá de todos ellos, últimamente surge con fuerza un elemento escondido que nadie se atrevía a utilizar, al menos hasta ahora. Y no es otro que el clasismo.
Y es que si bien, al principio, los promotores ponían como excusa para cargar contra la norma del 30% justificaciones de índole económica, asegurando que con esta cláusula no les sale a cuenta construir, ahora parece que este argumento no pesaría tanto como el hecho de que la norma fuerza la convivencia en un mismo inmueble de "ricos y pobres". Es decir, la gente que accede a pisos de protección oficial en una finca con pisos de lujo, con unos precios de entre tres y seis veces más reducidos, según explica el responsable de una inmobiliaria. El diferente poder adquisitivo de unos y otros es evidente y aquí entraría la perspectiva clasista, en la que los promotores consideran "molesto" para los acomodados tener que compartir edificio con gente con menos recursos económicos. (..)

2025-02-26

domingo, 23 de fevereiro de 2025

Paris: sobre o centro financeiro


CAIRN INFO 2012
https://shs.cairn.info/revue-vie-et-sciences-de-l-entreprise-2012-1-page-125

On repart écrasé d’une visite des immeubles construits ces dernières années ou encore en construction dans la City de Londres. Il faut au moins deux heures pour en faire le tour à pied ; le quartier financier, autrefois réduit à un « square mile », ne cesse d’élargir ses limites avec des extensions à sa périphérie immédiate.

Encore faudrait-il y adjoindre des quartiers tels que Canary Wharf, pari audacieux, qui a failli mal tourner avant de trouver désormais son équilibre. Et le West End, centré sur Mayfair, où ont établi leurs sièges sociaux les plus grands hedge funds européens, les fonds de private equity et les gestionnaires de fortune.

Par comparaison, que trouve-t-on à Paris?
Montagem:Àbeiradourbanismo
Dans le passé, le quartier financier incluait le Palais Brongniart, place de la Bourse, avec les agents de change établis à proximité (la COB, avant la création de l’AMF, s’était volontairement établie sur le Front de Seine, loin de tout établissement de nature financière). Les compagnies d’assurance étaient situées à proximité entre la Bourse et la gare Saint-Lazare; les trois vieilles, BNP, Crédit Lyonnais et Société Générale, boulevard Haussmann et boulevard des Italiens.

Les projets de Paris cité financière, visant à développer dans notre capitale un ensemble géographique de nature à rivaliser avec la City, ont fleuri dans les années 70, incluant une couverture de certaines parties de la gare Saint-Lazare. Aucun d’entre eux n’a vu le jour. Et aujourd’hui, aucun quartier de notre capitale ne centralise les activités financières.

Le centre de Paris, sur ce plan-là, s’est dépeuplé, à la notable exception de BNP Paribas, au profit du 8ème arrondissement pour partie et, pour les sièges importants, hors Axa notamment, au profit de La Défense (le Crédit Agricole continuant à faire cavalier seul à Montparnasse, la BPCE également de son côté). (..)"

2025-02-23

domingo, 16 de fevereiro de 2025

Escudero 2008: metropolização da Cidade do México 1880-1930


ESCUDERO Alejandrina 2008, “La ciudad postrevolucionaria en tres planos”. Cd. De México: IIE-UNAM.
https://www.scielo.org.mx/pdf/aiie/v30n93/v30n93a4.pdf

(..)
Hacia una gran metrópoli 

Otro factor importante fue la expansión de la mancha urbana ocurrida entre las dos últimas décadas del siglo xix y las tres primeras del xx, al asentarse “colonias” y fraccionamientos que empezaron a ligar la ciudad con los pueblos, ya entonces convertidos en delegaciones (como San Ángel y Tlalpan), o al flanquear calzadas (como Reforma y Tlalpan), debido a lo cual desaparecieron ranchos, haciendas, ejidos, ríos y canales. A algunas de esas colonias se las dotó de infraestructura de primer nivel, pero la mayoría de ellas se fraccionaron sin servicios básicos.

La traza virreinal se transformó con la demolición o cambio de uso de bienes eclesiásticos, lo que trajo la apertura de calles que afinaron su forma de damero. En la periferia, el trazo de algunos fraccionamientos adoptó una forma cerrada (elíptica) de acuerdo con su topografía (Las Lomas de Chapultepec) o con su diseño original (Hipódromo Condesa) con influencias extranjeras.

Independientemente de la desigual dotación de infraestructura urbana y el crecimiento azaroso, se empezó a enfrentar y solucionar los problemas de una forma integral, es decir, considerando la ciudad de México y el Distrito Federal en relación con la cuenca de México. Entonces surgieron las primeras estrategias y estudios de planificación total. Se crearon organismos especializados y se promulgaron algunas leyes, como la ya mencionada Ley Orgánica del Distrito y la Ley de Planificación y Zonificación del Distrito Federal y Territorios de la Baja California. Asimismo, se creó la Comisión de Planificación del Distrito Federal y se mantuvo un programa de obras públicas iniciado en la primera década del siglo xx y continuado hacia 1934.

Ciertamente, entre las dos últimas décadas del siglo xix y las tres primeras del xx —periodo de poco más de medio siglo—, se empieza a definir el perfil moderno de la ciudad, que al inicio de 1930 cuenta ya con una identidad urbana y arquitectónica, a pesar de que esto no resulta así según Manuel Toussaint, quien afirma lo siguiente: “Un estudio especial debe hacerse del periodo comprendido entre .... y nuestros días, pues desde entonces viene a ser México casi una nueva ciudad que pierde personalidad para afrancesarse y ayancarse [sic], sin plan definido; al despojarse de muchas de sus características”. Si bien en ese lapso la capital había perdido algunos rasgos coloniales y lacustres, además de crecer de manera desordenada, había cierta estabilidad en su desarrollo, pues sus singulares asentamientos (colonias y fraccionamientos) y su amplia red circulatoria le confirieron una identidad urbana reconocida a lo largo del siglo xx. (..)"

2025-02-16

domingo, 9 de fevereiro de 2025

Hoover 1948: Padrões de localização urbana


HOOVER E M (1948), The Location of Economic Activity. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1948. Chapter 8. The Economic Structure of Communities, p. 116-144

https://docs.google.com/document/d/1MYIFm6SNi-8PEQkdem1cgTB3wxyfT7NeiG4R1QY7ggc/edit?usp=sharing


8.7 - Location Patterns within Urban and Metropolitan Communities (pp.128-31)


Characteristic patterns of urban structure arise from the different requirements of the various land uses with respect to the transfer and processing advantages of sites. Cities develop, as already explained, at nodal points on the transfer network and owe a large part of their growth to the advantages of close contact between different kinds of producers and consumers. They have their own characteristic internal geography, shaped very largely by factors of contact and therefore subject to change in keeping with the evolution of the means of transport and communication. Because of the competition for space among highly intensive rival forms of land use, the selective locational role of rents is prominent.


Certain economic activities within cities involve the handling of large quantities of goods either coming in from elsewhere or being shipped out. For these activities, which include the heavier types of manufacturing, warehousing, and wholesaling and the maintenance and servicing of transfer terminal operations, the only possible locations are those in the transshipment zone. This zone includes the dockside area (in port cities) and sites along railroad lines in the terminal and switching district. In the relatively small area thus served directly by heavy freight transport services, all the heavier manufacturing, storage, and distribution facilities are concentrated. In large cities this “industrial zone” is neither compact nor particularly central but stretches out along water fronts, radial rail lines, and belt railroads. In rolling country especially, it is likely to be restricted to stream valleys.


In the more central parts of the city, where general transfer advantages attract other intensive uses and rents are high, the industrial belts along transport lines are generally quite narrow and are occupied by the smaller and the older plants. Farther out the land is in less general demand, rents are lower, and the belts are wider. In these outlying locations are found the larger and newer factories, warehouses, and wholesalers.


Manufacturers, wholesalers, and warehousers of the less bulky goods need not be located on railroads or water fronts at all, since they can be served by truck. They have a much greater choice of locations than the heavier industries. Except as barred by zoning ordinances, they are free to locate anywhere in response to the attractions of labor supply, cheap land, and nearness to local suppliers or customers. As a rule, they are found interspersed with commercial and inferior residence uses.


Passenger terminals exert some effect on the location of hotels, theaters, and dealers catering to transient out-of-town buyers, e.g., the garment-industry showrooms of New York. This attraction appears, however, not to be decisive. In many cities, such as Washington, the main passenger terminal has attracted only a minor cluster of hotels.


Businesses requiring frequent direct contacts with the local population are those most forcibly drawn to the main focus of intracity transit. This includes banks, offices, newspapers, and outlets for shopping goods at retail or wholesale. The important thing for these uses is to be accessible to the largest possible number of people during the daytime. They occupy the area referred to as “downtown” in the medium-sized city; in very large cities this area may split into a subdistrict specializing in finance (the Lower Broadway region in New York, LaSalle Street in Chicago, State Street in Boston) and another intensively developed district, with equally good transit facilities, devoted primarily to commerce, large hotels and theaters, and offices, e.g., the midtown district of Manhattan.


In the less specialized branches of trade and service, centripetal attraction is weaker and the individual store or motion-picture house, say, can get along outside the main shopping center on the basis of easier access for the buyers of one part of the city. We find, then, outside the areas of peak intensity a broad zone in which trade, services, light industry, and residence are intermingled. In the inner parts of this zone, residence merely fills in the back streets, while the main street frontages are solidly commercial. Farther out, this belt assumes a more and more residential aspect, with shops mainly confined to occasional neighborhood subcenters. Where good transportation and relatively attractive surroundings occur together, e.g., where an important transit artery approaches a park area, intensive residential occupance in the form of large apartment buildings is usually found, some riverside areas, the environs of Central Park in Manhattan, and near Rock Creek Park in Washington.


It is evident from above that the main components of city structure are:


а. Activities that must be located on rail or water terminal facilities and are therefore strung along the network of such facilities, with the larger establishments generally farther out.


b. Highly centripetal “downtown’’ establishments, which cluster near each other and in the area affording best access to the city as a whole.


c. Light industry, unspecialized commerce, and residence, which occupy those parts of the urban and suburban area not preempted by a and b.


d. Convenience-goods establishments (small nonspecialized stores, barber shops, motion-picture theaters, pool halls, eating and drinking places, newsstands, pressing and cleaning shops, and the like), which are distributed at important intersections and along principal streets in all parts of the city approximately in proportion to sidewalk traffic between home and work. They sell in too small quantities to entice the customer far off his beaten path.


The above discussion has run entirely in terms of transfer-cost factors. The distribution of various classes of residence use, however, involves an additional factor: the amenities of a neighborhood. In addition to wanting to live near their work, people like to live in quiet, spacious, clean, temperate surroundings. To this extent they are repelled from neighborhoods with dense traffic, noisy or dirty industry, or dense occupance of any sort. Likewise the local topography in certain directions from the center of the city usually provides much more pleasant residential sites than in other directions— areas of high ground, say, with breezes, preferably to windward of the industrial area, and perhaps with a view and near-by park space. Some of these same topographical features discourage the development of railroads, industrial zones, and cheap intensive housing. Consequently, the pattern of urban uses ordinarily is differentiated by sectors at least as much as by concentric zones, i.e., varying according to direction as well as according to distance from the center. The irregularities introduced by the transit pattern and topography of the particular city and by accidents of historical development and promotion make the actual pattern of urban land uses highly complex. [13] 


____

NOTA


[13] A good recent collection of ideas and factual materials on this subject is Building the Future City, Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, vol. 242, November, 1945, especially the article by C. D. Harris and E. L. Ullman, The Nature of Cities, pp. 7-17. A good insight into the factors relevant to urban site selection for retail stores is given by H. G. Canoyer, “Selecting a Store Location,” Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, Economic Series No. 56, Washington, 1946. For similar materials relating to specific kinds of enterprises, see other reports in the Industrial (Small Business) Series of the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce.



2025-02-09

domingo, 2 de fevereiro de 2025