Mostrando postagens com marcador Reino Unido. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Reino Unido. Mostrar todas as postagens

quarta-feira, 21 de fevereiro de 2024

Oxford UK, século XI


PARKER James, On the history of Oxford during the tenth and eleventh centuries, (912-1100): the material of a lecture delivered before the Oxford architectural and historical society, Feb. 28, 1871. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1871 
https://archive.org/details/39002011213312.med.yale.edu/page/2/mode/2up

Author: Either James Parker (1834-1912), or unknown.
The book makes no reference to an artist involved in the making of the map.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Map_of_11th_century_Oxford.jpg
Clique na imagem para ampliar 

(..)

The Streets, and the Parish Boundaries.

It is reasonable to suppose that before the close of the eleventh century, the city was divided into parishes. It is implied by the distinct mention of the "Parish Churches" in the Abingdon Abbey Chronicles, and further it may be inferred from the circumstance that the twelve churches of which we find mention as being within the walls, if taken as centres of small districts, occupy the whole of the space included within the wall with the exception of a small space at the south-eastern corner. Further consideration will confirm this view, for it will be seen by a reference to a plan of Oxford which I have appended, with the present boundaries of parishes marked upon it, that there is a certain system observable — partly depending on the churches, partly upon the streets, but also what appears to me to be of importance, partly upon the boundary of the city. I venture to infer from this, as we have certain knowledge of the names of the churches and of their actual sites, and a presumed knowledge of the general line of the city wall, that (a) we must fix the division of the city into parishes within the date of which I am writing; that (b) the subdivision was not a matter of chance, depending upon the gradual growth of the place, as new districts were added, but a systematic division of a definite space; and also that (e) with some exceptions the boundaries of the parishes have little changed. 

It will be observed that the general plan of the city is a rough parallelogram, with the sides converging somewhat as they tend to the west, in order to meet a circular outlier occupied by the Castle. From about the centre of the space so enclosed four chief streets diverge, running almost according to the points of the compass, due N., S., E. and W. That centre still bears the name of Carfax, corrupted from the Norman-French of Quatre-voies, i.e. where four ways meet. 

Of the four streets, the largest and most important, stretches eastward but bends a little to the south as it approaches the site of East-gate, and seems to have been called the High-street for a very long period of time. The names of North-street and South-street appear as late as Agas, in the former the Cornmarket stands, and the latter leads to S. Aldate's Church, whence now their respective names. The Western-street seems to have been called in part "The Baillie" and in part "Castle-street," but, so far as I have observed, no documents give us the names of any of the streets so early as the eleventh century.

At one of the corners where the four principal streets so meet stands S. Martin's Church.

(..) 

The Map of Oxford.

In attempting to illustrate the probable remains of the eleventh century on a map, I have mainly kept in view the identification of the sites named or referred to : I have therefore drawn Oxford as it is in brown lines. At the same time, I have brought out rather more clearly than is shewn in ordinary maps the line of the medieval city wall. There is no doubt of its exact course throughout.

On the map I have first of all added in black all the churches and chapels mentioned. I have also marked the Castle mound, and one or two other points. The black shading, which is supposed to represent the original ditch, must be taken only as approximately accurate, and as giving rather a general idea of the enceinte of the town, than a representation of actual remains. Along the north and eastern side I have little doubt the medieval ditch followed very nearly the line of the old one. On the south side, I confess I doubt if there was ever much of a ditch, — indeed there may have been none at all, and the stream may have been considered a sufficient defence.

I have coloured the streams blue, and it will be observed that there is a small one on the north side of the Broad Walk : it is shewn in all old maps. This stream, I believe, was once of much greater importance. It provided a communication from the Cherwell with the Trill p Mill-stream, — a little to the east of where it passes beneath S. Aldate's-street, and it was found to have existed beneath the site of the new buildings at Christ Church when they were digging the foundation. It passed along this north side of the Broad Walk, and joined the Cherwell just at its bend.

The light blue dotted line represents the modern parish boundaries, and is intended to illustrate what has been said on p. 66. The square form of the central parish is very apparent, others more or less retain the form of a square or a parallelogram. As already said, the parishes of S. Peter, S. Ebbe, and S. Aldate, seem to have been somewhat extended in later times.

The object of the map being to illustrate especially the remarks in the lecture, it is of course imperfect in many details which a full historical map of Oxford should give ; but as far as details are given, I think they may be relied on, as I have inserted nothing for which the authority has not been given already in these pages ; and the lines of streets, &c, have been taken from recent surveys.

(..)

2024-02-18

quarta-feira, 15 de junho de 2022

Home equity loans once more


The Guardian 09-06-2022, por Bob Kerslake

Right to Buy (Direito de Compra) é um instituto em vigor no Reino Unido (salvo Escócia desde 01-08- 2016 e País de Gales desde 26-01- 2019), que dá aos inquilinos das moradias do Estado e de algumas cooperativas habitacionais o direito de comprar, com grande desconto, os imóveis em que residem. Para os inquilinos de imóveis cooperativados construídos com subsídio público após 1997, existe também o Right to Acquire (Direito de Aquisição), com um desconto menor. De 1980 a 1997, mais de 1.700.000 moradias sociais foram vendidas no marco dessa política, tida como uma das principais causas da drástica redução da quantidade de moradia social no Reino Unido, que caiu de quase 6,5 milhões de unidades em 1979 para cerca de 2 milhões em 2017, e como o fator principal do aumento de 15% no índice de casa própria, que passou de 55% dos domicílios em 1979 para 71% em 2003 (63% em 2017 na Inglaterra). [1]

A privatização pulverizada dos estoques de habitação social do Reino Unido no âmbito das reformas econômicas thatcheristas foi um componente-chave da política de sustentação do nível de consumo à base de empréstimos pessoais lastreados na expectativa de valorização do solo nas grandes metrópoles.

Este é um aspecto central de O Mundo em Queda Livre (2009), livro de J Stiglitz, ex economista-chefe do Banco Mundial, sobre a debacle financeira de 2008. Nele se lê que a indústria do refinanciamento hipotecário foi uma forma de os estadunidenses "tomarem emprestado e consumir como se os seus rendimentos estivessem crescendo". [2]

O mesmo juízo reaparece, com uma análise mais ampla e historicamente situada, no livro Rethinking the Economics of Land and Housing, dos britânicos Ryan-Collins, Lloyd e Macfarlane [3]:

“(..) no Reino Unido e nos EUA, os empréstimos pessoais garantidos pelas residências (EGR) produziram um aumento do consumo: quanto maior o valor da garantia, maior o nível de consumo. (..) Desde a desregulamentação do crédito na década de 1970, a EGR contribuiu de forma importante para a demanda do consumidor no Reino Unido, ainda que somente nos períodos de alta dos preços da moradia (..). Tanto Margaret Thatcher (1979-92) quanto Tony Blair (1997-2007) desfrutaram, em seus mandatos, grandes booms de consumo parcialmente impulsionados pelo EGR, que contribuíram significativamente para o crescimento do PIB. A década anterior à crise financeira registrou níveis sem precedentes de EGR, com proprietários valendo-se do aumento dos preços das residências para tomar mais empréstimos e consumir mais. O sociólogo Colin Crouch (2009) descreveu o fenômeno como uma espécie de 'keynesianismo privatizado': ao passo que no período 1950-70 a demanda foi sustentada pelo Estado pela via da expansão fiscal, no período 1980-2007,  de declínio dos salários médios, ela foi alimentada pela dívida hipotecária”. [4]
 
Não surpreende que, como explica Muellbauer no prefácio da obra, "no longo prazo, as famílias altamente endividadas [tenham ficado] vulneráveis ​​à queda dos preços imobiliários". [5] Nos EUA, o colapso financeiro de 2008 significou que "pelo menos 10 milhões de pessoas perderam suas casas, quase 9 milhões perderam seus empregos e, quatro anos depois, 46,5 milhões viviam na pobreza [6].

____

[1] WIKIPEDIA: "Right to Buy".
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Right_to_Buy

[2] STIGLITZ J, O Mundo em Queda LivreOs Estados Unidos, o mercado livre e o naufrágio da economia mundial. Trad. José Viegas Filho. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 2010. Cap. 1: A formação da crise

[3] RYAN-COLLINS, LLOYD e MACFARLANE, Rethinking the Economics of Land and Housing. Zed Books 2017, edição do Kindle, p. 146.

[4] “(..) in the UK and the US, the home-equity withdrawal [HEW] channel boosts consumption as existing homeowners are able to finance higher consumption on the back of higher collateral values. (..) Since the credit deregulation of the 1970s HEW has made important contributions to consumer demand in the UK but only in certain periods when house prices have been rising (..). Both Margaret Thatcher (1979–92) and Tony Blair (1997–2007) enjoyed major consumption booms partially driven by HEW, with equity withdrawal contributing significantly to GDP (..) in both their tenures. The decade before the financial crisis saw unprecedented levels of home equity withdrawal as homeowners used rising house prices to increase their borrowing to fund consumption. The sociologist Colin Crouch (2009) has described this as a form of ‘privatised Keynesianism’, with the large injections of mortgage debt via equity withdrawal propping up consumer demand in the face of declining median wages, in contrast to the state supporting demand via fiscal expansion as in the 1950–70 period.”

[5] MUELLBAUER J, "Foreword", em RYAN-COLLINS, LLOYD e MACFARLANE op. cit.
 
[6] “The financial crisis hit 10 years ago. For some, it feels like yesterday”. Los Angeles Times 15-09-2018, por Colleen Shalby

2022-06-15

terça-feira, 20 de abril de 2021

Finança petroleira coloniza o Império

Deu no The Guardian
14-04-2021, por D Conn, H Davies e S Cutler

Revealed: the huge British property empire of Sheikh Mohammed

The controversial ruler of Dubai has acquired a land and property empire in Britain that appears to exceed 40,000 hectares (100,000 acres), making him one of the country’s largest landowners, according to a Guardian analysis. (..)

Xeique Mohammed em Ascot, 2019
Foto Facundo Arrizabalaga/EPA/Guardian

The Guardian has mapped these expansive private holdings linked to Sheikh Mohammed, who is vice-president and prime minister of the United Arab Emirates, using Land Registry records and company filings.

The exact scale of his British landholding is not known because most of the properties connected to him are owned via offshore companies in the tax havens of Guernsey and Jersey. That raises familiar questions about the secretive nature of large amounts of property ownership in Britain, and whether it is structured in ways to avoid paying UK taxes when the properties are sold. (..) 

In 2013, one of his family’s companies bought a property in Belgravia’s historic Eaton Square from the estate of the Duke of Westminster, for £17.3m – an illustration of historic British gentry selling to the dynastic billionaires of the Gulf. (Continua)

2021-04-20

sexta-feira, 9 de outubro de 2020

Mal-estar social ou sociedade do mal-estar?

Deu no The Guardian online 
27-09-2020, por Rowan Moore 
‘It's like an open prison’: the catastrophe of converting office blocks to homes

A policy designed to open up the planning system has left thousands in tiny flats, far from schools and shops. And with more deregulation coming, things will get worse

Terminus House in Harlow, Essex, a former office block converted into housing. 
Photo: Bex Wade/The Observer

Excelente (e longa) matéria sobre os efeitos da desregulação urbanística na Inglaterra, cujo sistema é de difícil entendimento para nós, latino-americanos. Recortei e resumi o melhor que pude. 

A mesma Inglaterra que demole os conjuntos habitacionais dos anos 50 e 60 como "usinas de mal-estar social", parece replicá-los pela via do mercado habitacional desregulado. 

Fico a pensar: é o mau urbanismo que cria o mal-estar social ou é a sociedade do mal-estar que tortura o urbanismo com dilemas insolúveis? 


*** 

"Shield House is just one example of “permitted development”. It is an outcome of a government experiment in deregulation, which allows homes to be made out of old offices and shops without planning permission, that has been going on for some years. An estimated 65,000 flats have been made in this way. The experiment has been catastrophic in several significant respects, but the government has recently decided to double down on it, expanding their policy such that office blocks may now be replaced with entirely new buildings without permission. This means that undersized and badly planned and located flats can now be realised at a larger scale.

(..) Permitted development means local authorities and local residents cannot oppose or alter proposals. They have no power to insist on adequate room sizes or daylight or influence the look of a building. With these safeguards removed, predictable consequences followed. There was a race to the bottom on size, with some flats created of 20, of 15, or even 10 square metres (a standard parking space is 11.5 square metres) in which a bed might end up 30cm from a washing machine. Such things as balconies or gardens would become virtually extinct.

(..) The main role of permitted development was once to ease the path of conservatories, small domestic extensions, garden sheds, and other uncontroversial works. But over the past few years the government (in England only, as the other nations of the union have devolved planning regimes) has turned it into a machine for driving up housing numbers, no matter how drastic the effects on people’s lives.

(..) In three reports in 2011 and 2012 the rightwing thinktank Policy Exchange had a prolonged lightbulb moment. What, they asked, if permitted development rights were extended, so that they would allow worn-out office buildings to be converted into housing, without the need for full planning permission? Since seeking planning permission can be an inefficient, expensive, risky and sometimes capricious process, there were attractions to the idea. Why not cut red tape and unleash the power of a deregulated market, to release a plentiful supply of residential units that would be relatively cheap, whether or not they were especially cheerful? “No one is going to mind if an office becomes a home,” said Policy Exchange. “We need to systematically change the planning system. Our current planning system, designed as part of a socialist utopia in the 1940s, has to be modernised for a 21st-century economy.”

(..) Lockdown has highlighted the importance of adequate domestic space and access to the outdoors. Covid-19 has also changed patterns of work, with the likelihood that demand for offices will in some places decline. There will be an opportunity to make them into homes, but it will take thoughtfulness and planning to do it well. There seems to be no chance of either from the government. Instead we hear this from Jenrick: “These changes will help transform boarded-up, unused buildings safely into high-quality homes at the heart of their communities.” But the buildings are not always unused, the homes are not high-quality and they are not in any positive sense at the heart of communities.(..)

2020-10-09


sábado, 11 de julho de 2020

Legado viral

Deu no Guardian 
03-07-2020, por Amelia Hill 
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jul/03/covid-19-exposes-stark-generational-uk-housing-divide-report-says
Covid-19 exposes stark generational housing divide, UK report says 
The coronavirus pandemic has exposed a generational divide in living conditions across Britain, with young people more likely to be locked down in smaller, overcrowded homes with no access to garden than older age groups, a report has found. (..)
https://www.independent.co.uk/independentpremium/
coronavirus-schools-close-benefits-sick-pay-nhs-a9409936.html
Caroline Abrahams, the charity director at Age UK, said: “Poor housing is a problem affecting people of all ages. Two million older households, including 530,000 long-term sick and disabled older individuals, live in homes classed as ‘non-decent’.”
Polly Neate, the chief executive of Shelter, added: “A toxic combination of expensive private rents, successive cuts to housing benefit, and a dire shortage of social housing have left us in a total mess. (Continua)

2020-07-11

domingo, 5 de julho de 2020

Entre a ruína industrial e a especulação global


Publicado em Places / History of the Present: Cities in Transition
2020-07, por Richard J. Williams, Professor de Culturas Visuais Contemporâneas na Universidade de Edimburgo.
Manchester After Engels
Beetham Tower, viewed from 
Castlefield Urban Heritage Park, 
November 2019. [Richard Williams]
(..) Manchester, whose collapse in the mid 20th century rivaled that of Detroit, is busily, loudly rebounding; the city is now constructing a cluster of skyscrapers on the edge of its downtown core, the scale of which dwarfs all existing buildings. Not all that long ago, a big building here could perhaps boast 100,000 square feet; today “big” means half a million. The new South Tower of Deansgate Square, a collection of mostly residential towers, rises priapically to more than 600 feet, and it might soon be overtaken by the 700-foot-tall Trinity Islands. There were at the end of last year an unprecedented 80 construction sites in the city center, including 14,000 future apartments, many of which are underwritten by international investment. (Continua)

2020-07-05


quinta-feira, 5 de setembro de 2019

Senzala pós-moderna

The Guardian / Cities 03-09-2019, por Will Coldwell

'Co-living': the end of urban loneliness – or cynical corporate dormitories?
Imagem: Web Urbanist
(..) Each company presents its accommodation as a solution to the urban housing crisis. Here, at last, is a way to provide affordable homes for younger people cut out of the market, while at the same time pooling resources, fostering community and catering for an increasingly mobile generation. With 4.8 million Britons now self-employed, co-living is pitched as a utopian response to a rapidly changing society.

But what from one angle looks like a revolutionary proposition can just as easily be seen from another as a cynical ploy by property developers to cash in on a generation living in the “age of loneliness”, locked in a perpetual struggle to find a place they can call home.

(..)“Co-living is purely a new way for developers to squeeze profit from an already broken housing market,” says Hannah Wheatley, researcher on housing and land at the New Economics Foundation. (..) 

sábado, 27 de julho de 2019

Lei da selva: uso rentável ou demolição

The Guardian / Cities 17-07-2019, por Paul Talling
‘The city has changed beyond all recognition': Derelict London – in pictures
Paul Talling photographs the land of long-forgotten tube stations, burnt-out mansions and gently decaying factories

The Cinematograph Theatre, Shepherd’s Bush W12

The cinema first opened in 1910. It stopped showing films in 1981. After standing empty for several years, it was converted into a live music venue, the Bottom Line, and later as an Australasian-themed bar called Walkabout, which closed down in 2013. The council has refused permission to demolish and replace it with a 16-storey block

Fonte: The Guardian / Cities

2019-07-27

quinta-feira, 18 de abril de 2019

Emergência nacional


Deu na BBC Three
15-04-2019, por Vicky Spratt / Tales from the frontline

Inside the housing crisis: Why I live in a cupboard
What does the housing crisis mean to you? Unaffordable rents? A rise in rough sleeping? Letting agency fees so high they make you flinch? People in desperate need unable to access social housing?
While the government is taking steps to further safeguard tenants' rights, with the April 2019 announcement of plans to revoke Section 21 - legislation which allows landlords to serve tenants with 'no-fault' eviction notices - the problems show little sign of abating. Housing charity Shelter previously said it was no longer right to talk about a housing crisis in Britain but, in their opinion, “a national emergency”. 
The stats paint a pretty bleak picture tbh. According to Shelter’s research, 1.2 million people across the UK are currently on the waiting list for social housing but only 6,463 social homes were built from 2017-2018. And, every night, according to charity Homeless Link, almost 5,000 people sleep rough in England alone. (Continua)

2019-04-18


quarta-feira, 13 de dezembro de 2017

Solo fértil

Mail online 05-12-2017, por Ruairi Casey
As UK land value hits 5 trillion pounds, calls for new tax rise
Montagem: à beira do urbanismo
Imagens originais: creative commons
(..) Land is worth 5 trillion pounds ($7 trillion) and makes up more than half of Britain's value, the Office for National Statistics (ONS) said.
"Pretty much all of the problems in our housing system can be tracked back to the land market and the fact that land prices are outrageously high," Toby Lloyd, head of policy at the housing charity Shelter, told the Thomson Reuters Foundation. "It's making housing absolutely, appallingly unaffordable."
Average British house prices have more than doubled in the past two decades, and more than quadrupled in London. But average wages have risen by only a fraction of that amount. By separating the value of buildings and land for the first time, the ONS showed that land value grew much faster than other assets, such as houses and machinery. (..)
2017-12-13